The Arctic has experienced a geographical and geopolitical opening over the last decades, involving more and more players in political, commercial and military Arctic affairs. Russia, China and India have become more active in the region and have increased the geostrategic potential for both cooperation and conflict.
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Since the USSR’s dissolution, Russia has experienced a continuous debate about its national identity and great power status. To create an alternative national idea, the Kremlin has adapted its Eurasianist rhetoric to ideological demands of the public as well as strategic implications of anti-globalist foreign policy. However, its moves can be largely explained through political opportunism.
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China promotes its ‘win-win cooperation’ based on economics. Others claim it to be a political move to influence less developed countries. Besides this general ideological dispute, the genreal concept has to be questioned.
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While both the relations between China and Russia as well as the Central Asian states are largely depending on energy investments from the Chinese side, the economic and political background varies. This analysis assesses the various obstacles to a sustainable cooperation between the countries.
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Moscow has tied the national compatriot identity inseparably to its own Russian-speaking diaspora. With the recent notion of military crises in the Russian territorial neighbourhood, geopolitical fears have grown in both the Baltics and Central Asia. Still, the question of how Moscow-friendly and secessionist the Russophone minorities in both regions are, remains largely unanswered.
This article is focusing on the comparison of two regional actors in the post-Soviet nationalisation process by comparing the language policies of Estonia and Kazakhstan since their independence from the USSR.
The Chinese charm offensive of ’16+1′ in Central and South-Eastern Europe has led to newly gained self-confidence for a region that was long time subject to either foreign rule or peripheral neglect.
This analysis assesses the roles played by EU and non-EU members inside the grouping by comparing the interacting roles of two smaller European regions – the Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) and the Western Balkan States (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia) with Beijing.
Das Friedensabkommen von Dayton ermöglicht es externen staatlichen Akteuren Einfluss auf die verschiedenen Ebenen des bosnischen Staatssystems ausüben zu können. Russland und die Türkei als traditionelle Akteure sowie die arabischen Golfstaaten und China als moderne Akteure tun sich dabei besonders hervor.
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With the United Kingdom leaving the European Union and Donald Trump proclaiming his ‘America First’ policy, the Western world has experienced a clear shift towards post-multilateralism. In these difficult times for the traditional trans-Atlantic partnership another great power is rolling out a new map: China.
The following paper addresses the question whether the New Silk Road can be more advantageous for an inner-European cohesion and if the previous work has changed the perspective on Europe towards global South-South relations.
Die Ölproduktion bietet den chinesischen und angolanischen Eliten politische Vorteile. China hat in den letzten Jahren über Infrastrukturprojekte, Firmenkooperationen und Kredite immer mehr Einfluss in Afrika gewonnen – nicht immer ohne eigenen Hintergedanken. Verbunden war diese Entwicklung insbesondere mit einem zunehmend selbstbewussten und strategischen Auftreten der Volksrepublik sowie einem afrikanischen ‘Generationenwechsel’ weg vom Westen. Insbesondere […]
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